William Barnes

William Barnes

William Barnes sündis Londonis 20. mail 1879. Tema isa oli Victoria Docki töödejuhataja ja ema pidas Silvertownis kohvikut.

Barnes mängis hooajal 1895-1896 Thamesi rauatehases. 17 -aastane noormees lõi West Hami heategevuskarika otsustavas mängus ainsa värava.

1899 sõlmis ta lepingu Sheffield Unitediga. Meeskond oli hiljuti võitnud FA karika ja esimese divisjoni tiitli ning sinna kuulusid sellised mängijad nagu William Foulke, Ernest Needham, Walter Bennett ja George Hedley.

Barnes nägi vaeva, et pääseda esimesse meeskonda. Sheffield United mängis 1902. aasta FA karikafinaalis Southamptoni. Sheffield läks varakult juhtima, kuid Southampton lõi vastuolulise viigivärava ja mäng viigistati 1: 1. CB Fry kirjutas lõunakajas: "Mängu silmapaistev omadus oli Foulke suurepärane väravavaht. Ta tegi mitmeid häid tõrjeid ja kahel või kolmel korral puhastas palli võimatutest positsioonidest. Üks kord, lõpus nurga tagant tegi ta nelja või viie mehega absoluutse ime. "

William Foulke oli maruvihane, et viigivärav oli antud pärast mängu, kui ta kohtuniku otsima läks. Joonistaja JT Howcroft kirjeldas, kuidas jalgpalliliidu sekretär Frederick Wall üritas väravavahti vaigistada: "Foulke oli väravast ärritunud ja väitis, et see oli tema riietusruumist väljaspool tema sünnipäevaülikonnas, ja ma nägin sekretäri FJ Wall'i FA -st, paludes tal uuesti oma kolleegidega ühineda. Aga Bill oli verest väljas ja ma hüüdsin härra Kirkhamile, et see lukustaks tema kapiukse. Tal polnud vaja kaks korda rääkida. Aga milline vaatepilt! ärge kunagi unustage, et Foulke on nii suur, et koridoris sammub, ilma riieteta. "

Walter Bennett sai vigastada ega saanud kordusmängus osaleda. Teda asendas William Barnes. Mäng oli vaid kaks minutit vana, kui William Foulke ulatuslik tühjenduslöök jõudis Jack Hedleyni ja Sheffield United asus varakult juhtima. Silmapaistva Ernest Needhami juhtimisel domineeris Sheffield, kuid Albert Brown suutis viigivärava lüüa. Southampton hakkas survet avaldama, kuid Athletic News'i andmetel oli "Foulke võitmatu". Kui kümme minutit oli jäänud, lõi Needham löögi, mille Southamptoni väravavaht John Robinson suutis vaid tõrjuda ning Barnes suutis palli valveta võrku lüüa. Sheffield võitis 2: 1 ja Barnes võitis karikavõitjate medali.

Pärast Sheffield Unitedi 23 mänguga kuue värava löömist, enne kui Barnes liitus hooaja 1902-3 alguses West Ham Unitediga. Barnes lõi värava oma debüüdis Readingi vastu. Barnes lõi sel hooajal veel vaid kolm väravat. Sellegipoolest jõudis ta sel aastal Billy Grassami taha, kes sai sel aastal teise tulemuse.

Järgmisel aastal suutis Barnes 25 mänguga vaid ühe värava. Aastal 1904 kolis Barnes Lutoni linna. Hiljem mängis ta Queens Park Rangersis. Pärast mängust loobumist oli Barnes Hispaania klubi Bilbao treener.

William Barnes oli East Hami tööerakonna saadiku Alfred Barnesi vend, kes teenis transpordiministrina Clement Attlee valitsuses (1945–51).

William Barnes suri 1962.


Ernest Barnes

Ernest William Barnes oli vanim neljast John Starkie Barnesi ja Jane Elizabeth Kerry pojast, mõlemad põhikooli õppealajuhatajad. Aastal 1883 määrati Barnesi isa Birminghami koolide inspektoriks, kus ta töötas kogu oma ülejäänud tööea. Barnes sai hariduse Birminghami King Edwardi koolis ja läks 1893. aastal Trinity kolledži stipendiaadina Cambridge'i. Ta kuulus 1896. aastal teisele Wranglerile ja paigutati 1897. aastal matemaatilise tripose II osa esimese klassi esimesse divisjoni. Järgmisel aastal anti talle esimene Smithi auhind ja ta valiti nõuetekohaselt Trinity Fellowshipisse. 1902. aastal määrati ta matemaatika lektoriks, 1906 - 08 nooremdekaaniks ja 1908 juhendajaks. Ta lõpetas Sc.D. aastal Cambridge'i ülikoolist ja valiti 1909. aastal Royal Society liikmeks.

Samal aastal sai temast matemaatikaõppejõud, Barnes pühitseti Londoni piiskopi poolt diakoniks ja aastatel 1906–1908 oli ta kolmainsuse dekaan. Aastal 1915 lahkus Barnes Cambridge'ist ja tegi oma karjääri professionaalse matemaatikuna, kui ta nimetati Londoni templi kapteniks. Sellele järgnes 1918. aastal Westminsteri kanoonika ja lõpuks 1924. aastal Birminghami piiskopkond-amet, mida ta pidas kuni 1952. aastani, kui pidi halva tervise tõttu pensionile jääma. Ta suri 79 -aastaselt oma kodus Sussexis, jäid ellu abikaasa ja kaks poega.

Barnesi piiskopkonda iseloomustasid mitmed vaidlused, mis tulenesid tema avameelsetest seisukohtadest ja üsna üllatavalt kellelegi, kes oli kirikus nii kõrgel ametikohal, sageli ebaharilikud usulised tõekspidamised. 1940. aastal kaotas ta laimujuhtumi, milles oli rünnanud Tsemendivalmistajate Föderatsiooni, kes väidetavalt takistas tsemendivarustust nende endi kasuks, ajal, mil riiklikud vajadused õhurünnakute varjualuste ehitamisel olid. Sellest tagasilöögist hoolimata naasis Barnes oma tsemendirõngaga seotud süüdistuste juurde kõnes, mille ta pidas järgmisel aastal Lordide Majas, kus ta väitis, et võimsad äriprobleemid kasutasid kriitika mahasurumiseks laimu ja laimu. Teoloogilise autorina Barnesi raamat 1947. aastal pealkirjaga Kristluse tõus, äratas kiriku õigeusklikumatest liikmetest nii ägedat vastuseisu ja kriitikat, et soovitati tungivalt, et ta loobuks oma piiskopiametist - vihje, mida Barnes ei võtnud.

Kokku kirjutas Barnes aastatel 1897 - 1910 29 matemaatikatööd. Tema varajane töö puudutas gammafunktsiooni erinevaid aspekte, sealhulgas selle funktsiooni üldistusi, mida andis nn Barnes GG -funktsioon, mis vastab võrrandile


William Barnes - ajalugu

Perekonna Barnes sugupuu
(versioon 13. jaanuar 2013)
Palun saatke parandused e -postiga Mike Clarkile

    Thomas Barnes (u. 1623-1691/93) sündis Inglismaal ja purjetas poisina Ameerikasse, kus teda mainiti esmakordselt Connecticuti New Haveni koloonias 1643. või 1644. aastal, kui ta täisealiseks sai. koloonia. Kui ta oleks 21 -aastane, kui koloonia ta vastu võttis, oleks ta sündinud umbes aastal 1623. Seejärel sai ta 1649. aasta juunis maatüki - "Kõrgustiku vahe ja teine ​​loobumine antakse John Brocketile ja Thomas Barnesile." Paljud suguvõsad ajavad selle Thomas Barnesi (New Haveni maakonnast) vabalt segamini teise Thomas Barnesiga, Farmingtoni alevikust külgnevas Hartfordi maakonnas, kelle naine Mary 1663. aastal nõiaks poos. Kuna mõlemad mehed rändasid Inglismaalt, tõenäoliselt 1630. aastatel, ja elasid koloniaalses Connecticutis külgnevates maakondades, neid puudutavaid fakte on üsna raske lahus hoida, kuid nad on tõepoolest mitteseotud isikud. Selle segaduse lisamiseks oli lähedal asuvas Massachusettsi koloonias veel kaks Thomas Barnesit, kes elasid umbes samal ajal (Trescott, 1907, lk 4-5).

Thomas Barnes New Havenist abiellus umbes 1647. aastal naisega, kelle nimi oli Elizabeth, ja elas koos temaga umbes aastani 1660 või 1665, pärast mida nad kolisid Põhja -Haveni, seejärel hiljem sellesse Middletown'i ossa, mida tuntakse Middlefieldina, kus ta suri aastatel 1691 või 1693. Ta jättis 25. veebruaril 1683 dateeritud testamendi, milles nimetab oma lapsi. Mitmed veebipõhised genealoogid annavad tema sünnikohaks Barking, Essex, nimetavad oma vanemad ja annavad oma naise perekonnanime, kuid kuna ükski ei esita dokumente, on need väited kahtlased.

John Barnesit (s. 1648) on mainitud isa testamendis. Isa testamendis on mainitud Elizabeth Barnesit (s. 1650). Isa testamendis on mainitud Thomas Barnesit (1653-1712). Mercy Barnes (s. 1655) on mainitud isa testamendis. Abigail Barnesit (1656/57-1723) mainitakse isa testamendis. Daniel Barnesit (1659-c.1740) on mainitud isa testamendis. Isa testamendis on mainitud Martha Barnesit (s. 1661). Isa testamendis on mainitud Maibee (Võib-olla) Barnesit (1663-1749). Ta järgneb:

Nathaniel Barnes (1691-?) Elizabeth Barnes (1693-1752) Samuel Barnes (1695-1789) Ebenezer Barnes (1697-1798), kes järgneb: Thomas Barnes (1700-1789) Joseph Barnes (1702-74) Gershom Barnes (1705) -?)

Isaac Barnes (1728-1728) Ebenezer Barnes (1730-1798) Amos Barnes (1732-1824) Rhoda Barnes (1734-?) Elijah Barnes (1736-1760) Mehitable Barnes (1739-?) Benjamin Barnes (1741-1834), kes järgneb: Phineas Barnes (1744-1832) Rebecca Barnes (1748-?) Jeremiah Barnes (1751-1845)

Ta kolis Massachusettsi osariiki Granville'i millalgi aastatel 1750–1760, kus abiellus 12. mail 1763. aastal Ephraimi ja Hannah Miller Coe tütre Mary Coe'ga (1739–1795). Ta ostis maad aastatel 1769, 1770 ja 1772 ning ehitas maja, kus ta oma pere üles kasvatas.

  • Leeritati 6. mail 1775 Granville'is Mass Massachusettsi miilitsa rügemendis ja teenis teise kapralina, esinedes 1. augustil 1775 kapten Lebbeus Bali kompanii koosseisus. Ta naasis Granville'i 6. oktoobril 1775. Hiljem ilmub tema allkiri koos teistega 22. detsembril 1775 Camp Roxbury'is tehtud korraldusel, mis käsitleb hüvitist kaheksa kuu pikkuse teenistuse eest Ball's Company's.
  • Tellis 26. aprillil 1776 2. leitnandi Massachusettsi miilitsa kolonel John Moseley rügemendis (3. Hampshire'i kompanii), kes teenis kapten Aaron Coe kompaniis. Hiljem ilmub ta leitnandina Coe kogunemis- ja palgarollile. Ta osales 21. oktoobril 1776 ja naasis koju 17. novembril 1776, olles marssinud kolonelleitnant Timothy Robinsoni juhtimisel, et tugevdada Põhjaarmeed.
  • Esineb leitnandina Massachusettsi miilitsa kolonel John Moseley rügemendis (Hampshire Company) kapten William Cooley kompanii kogunemis- ja palgalises rollis. Ta kihlus 19. juulil 1777, naasis 12. augustil korraks koju Granville'i, enne kui ta 17. augustil uuesti kihlus ja 19. augustil taas koju jõudis. Ettevõte marssis algselt Põhjaarmeed toetama ja surus maha äratus Beningtonis teisel kihlusel.
  • Esineb 2. leitnandina kolonel Israel Chapini (3.) rügemendis, Samuel Sloperi kompaniis. Ta kihlus 15. oktoobril 1779 ja lasti lahti 22. novembril. Rügement tõsteti mandriväe toetamiseks 3 kuuks.
  • Esineb kaptenina Massachusettsi miilitsas kolonel John Moseley rügemendis (Hampshire Company) oma ettevõtte eesotsas, mis marssis 12. ja 16. juunil 1782 Northhamptonis rahvahulka mahasurumiseks.

Tema esimene naine Mary suri 1795. aastal, pärast seda abiellus ta kaks aastat vanema ja kaks korda lese Lucretia Sackettiga. Lucetia suri enne teda 1832. aastal ja ta suri 13. juunil 1834, olles maetud West Granville'i kalmistule Granville'is, Hampdeni maakonnas, Massachusettsis (vt).

Rhoda Barnes (1764-?) Elijah Barnes (1766-1815), kes järgneb: Anah Barnes (1768-1857) Lucy Barnes (1772-1845) Benjamin Barnes, juunior (1776-1845)

"Mõned pereliikmed, keda tema perekond hoidis, oli üks kapten Finney, kes oli tulnud linna sõtta seltskonda värbama. Olles ebakindel kutt, ei saanud ta hästi ja saavutas kehva edu. Eelija naljatades ütles: "Kui tal oleks olnud tellimusi, saaks ta poole tööajaga ettevõtte luua." Kapten võttis ta sõna ja andis talle seersandi volitused värbamiseks, lubades suuliselt, et kui meeskond moodustatakse, võtab ta Finney juhtimise ja vabastab Eelija. Ettevõte võeti peagi tööle, kui seersant (Eelija) sai peakorterilt korralduse oma kompanii rivisse marssida, kuna ta ei täitnud hüvitist, kuigi see oli talle väga vastumeelne. Pärast Plattsburgi lahingut määrati diviis, kuhu ta kuulus, Niagarale. Marss tehti jalgsi. Pärast Niagarasse jõudmist osales ta Chippewa ja Lundy's Lane'i lahingutes, kui võttis külma, võttis tööle ja asus koju. Tema külm muutus kopsupõletikuks. Ta jõudis Albanysse, võeti vastu Greenbushis asuvasse haiglasse jõe ääres, kus ta varsti pärast seda suri, jõudmata koju ega nähes ühtki oma perekonnast. "

Laura Barnes (1793-1863) Lucy Barnes (1795-1843) Benjamin Coe Barnes (1797-1830) Thompson Sackett Barnes (1799-1901), kes järgneb: Sally H. Barnes (1803-1877) Dennis Barnes (1806-1899) Sophia Ann Barnes (1811–1859)

Edwin Martin Barnes (1825-1902) Dennis Edwin Barnes (1827-1864) Samuel Cook Barnes (1829-?) Sarah Ann Barnes (1829-1875) Benjamin Coe Barnes (1832-1918), kes järgneb: Margaret Thompson Barnes (1834-) 1885) Laura Amelia Barnes (1836-1883) Lucy Jane Barnes (1838-1871) Charles Talbot "CT" Barnes (1840-1926) Wesley Barnes (1842-1940) William Hall Barnes (1844-?)

Charles Barnes (1859-1859) Carrie Lillian Barnes (1861-1934) Nellie Janet Barnes (1862-1920) Laura Adelaide Barnes (1864-1930) Lucy Rose Barnes (1865-1964), kes järgneb: Ada Skinner Barnes (1869-? ) Marian C. Barnes (1872-1930) Mary Barnes (1873-?)

Willard Stewart Bourne (1893-1988), kes järgneb: Mildred Janet Bourne (1894-1972) abiellus James Ewing Gardneriga (1894-1959) Donald Ellsworth Bourne (1894-1972)

Carolyn Marie MacKenzie sündis 30. augustil 1942 Solano maakonnas Californias. Gerald Joseph MacKenzie sündis 3. märtsil 1945 Solano maakonnas Californias. Shirley Marian MacKenzie sündis 14. märtsil 1950 Solano maakonnas Californias.

    Barnes, Abel Tuttle, 1911, kapten Benjamin Barnesi ja Charles Curtissi esivanemad ja järeltulijad Granville'ist, Mass., 1636-1910, Stanhope Press, Sharon, Mass, 126 lk. Saadaval aadressil Ancestry.com ja perekonna ajaloo arhiivides.

Lopez, Betty, 2011, Janet Clarki intervjuu Betty Lopeziga 25. juulil 2011 Loney rantšos.

See ajalugu on arenev dokument.
Vaatamata meie parimatele kavatsustele sisaldab see tõenäoliselt vigu.
Palun andke meile teada, kui märkate mõnda, saates e -kirja Mike Clarkile


Sisu

William Barnes Sr sündis 25. mail 1824 New Yorgis Pompeys, Orson Barnesi ja Eliza Phelps Barnesi pojana. [1] Ta sai hariduse Pompeyuse koolides ja õppis Manliuse Akadeemias Manliuses New Yorgis. [1] Barnes õpetas pärast kooli lõpetamist kooli ja oli üks korraldajatest New Yorgi osariigi esimestel ametlikel ametialase arengu kohtumistel haridustöötajatele, iga -aastastele instituutidele, mis toimusid Baldwinsville'is 1843. ja 1844. aastal. [1] Õpetajana töötades alustas ta Õppis Baldwinsville'i firmas Minard & amp; Stansbury õigusteadust. [2] Hiljem õppis ta koos Hillis & amp; Prattiga Baldwinsville'ist ja James R. Lawrence'iga Syracuse'ist. [2] Barnes lubati advokatuuri 1846. aastal ja ta hakkas harjutama Uticas. [1]

Barnes kolis peagi Uticast Albanysse, kus ta tegutses advokaadina Hammondi, King & amp; Barnesi büroos, kuhu kuulus ka Samuel H. Hammond. [1] 1850. aastatel töötas Barnes mitu aastat osariigi pangandusministeeriumi erinõunikuna ning tema uurimine mitme panga kohta näitas, et need on maksejõuetud, mistõttu nad likvideeriti. [1] Barnes määrati ka erinõunikuks New Yorgi linna esindamiseks, kui Astori perekonna liikmed ja mitmed teised rikkad elanikud üritasid oma kinnisvaramaksu hindamist tühistada. [1] 1855. aastal sai ta osariigi erivolinikuks, et uurida mitmeid New Yorgis asuvaid kindlustusseltse. [1] Tema uurimine näitas, et nad on petturid, nad sunniti äritegevusest loobuma ja osariigi seadusandja võttis vastu mitu uut seadust, mille eesmärk oli parandada järelevalvet tööstuse üle. [1]

Üks seadusandja poolt läbiviidud reformidest hõlmas riikliku kindlustusministeeriumi loomist, mille eesotsas oli viieaastane ametiaeg. [1] Barnes nimetati sellele ametikohale 1860. aastal ja ta oli esimene inimene, kes seda ametit pidas. [1] Ta nimetati uuesti ametisse 1865. aastal ja teenis kuni 1870. aastani. [1] Barnesit tunnustati New Yorgi kindlustustegevuse üldise seisundi parandamisega ning tema mõju avaldati kogu maailmas tema osakonna aastaaruannete vormi ja sisuna toodetud toodangut kiideti eeskujuna mitmete Euroopa riikide, sealhulgas Inglismaa ja Preisimaa kindlustusajakirjades. [1]

Algselt demokraat, tundis Barnes 1840ndatel huvi orjuse kaotamise liikumise vastu. [1] Ta astus Vabadusparteisse 1843. aastal ja toetas 1844. aastal presidendiks James G. Birneyt. [1] 1848. aastal astus ta parteisse Vaba Muld ja toetas Martin Van Bureni tolle aasta presidendivalimistel. [1]

Aastal 1854 võttis Barnes juhtiva rolli Vabariikliku Partei loomisel Ameerika peamise orjusevastase parteina ning oli delegaat selle esimestel New Yorgi osariigi konventsioonidel, mis toimusid Saratoga Springsis ja Auburnis. [1] 1855. aastal oli ta peo peakorraldaja Albany maakonnas. [1] Aastal 1856 oli Barnes üks Kansase Abiühingu loojatest, mille osariigid on orjuse vastu, mis korraldati orjusevastaste pooldajate abistamiseks Bleeding Kansase vaidluste ajal, ning oli üks kahe Kansase abi konventsiooni kavandajatest. mis peeti 1856. aastal, üks Clevelandis ja teine ​​Buffalos. [1]

1872. aastal oli Barnes üks USA delegaatidest Rahvusvahelise Statistikakongressi kaheksandal istungil, mis toimus Venemaal Peterburis. [1] Rahvusvaheline statistikakongress oli Venemaa, Ameerika Ühendriikide ja mitme Euroopa riigi esindajate pidev jõupingutus andmete kogumise, analüüsimise ja esitamise meetodite jagamiseks. [3] Teemad hõlmasid põllumajandust, ettevõtlust ja haridust ning osalejate eesmärk oli võimaldada valitsuse tõhusamat tegutsemist, mis põhineb paremal olukorrateadlikkusel. [3] Barnes oli juhtiv osaleja 1872. aasta istungi kindlustustööstuse allkomitees ja tema pingutusi tunnustati ürituse lõpus, kui tsaar Aleksander II isiklikult tänas Barnesile teemantsõrmuse. [1]

1904. aastal oli Barnes Bostonis toimunud kolmeteistkümnenda ülemaailmse rahukongressi liige. [1] Rahukongressid kogunesid perioodiliselt 1800. aastate keskpaigast kuni 1930. aastateni ja püüdsid sõdu ära hoida, tuvastades muid viise rahvusvaheliste vaidluste lahendamiseks. [4] 1907. aastal oli ta maailma rahu- ja vahekohtukonventsiooni delegaat. [1]

Hilisematel aastatel elas Barnes Massachusettsi osariigis Nantucketis, kus talle kuulus maja, mis oli algselt ehitatud Charles O'Conori jaoks. [1] Ta oli sagedane kaastöötaja õigusajakirjades ja ajalooajakirjades. [1] Tema avaldatud teoste hulgas oli Barnes 1864. aasta autor Albany asustus ja varane ajalugu. [5] Lisaks koostas ta ajaloo poliitilise organisatsiooni esimese viiekümne aasta kohta, mille ta aitas luua, 1904. Vabariikliku Partei pool sajandat juubelit. [6]

Barnes oli New Yorgi osariigi meditsiinilise õigusteaduse seltsi asutaja ja esimene president. [1] Ta oli ka Londoni kuningliku statistikaühingu liige. [1] Ta oli New Yorgi osariigi ja Albany maakonna advokatuuride liige ning Ameerika rahvusvahelise õiguse ühingu liige. [1] Barnes kuulus Ameerika Geograafiaühingusse ja National Geographic Society. [1] Ta oli ka Albany klubi Fort Orange asutaja ning Albany ajaloo ja kunsti instituudi liige. [1]

Barnes suri oma kodus Nantucketis 22. veebruaril 1913. [1] Ta maeti New Yorgis Menandsi linnas Albany maapiirkonna kalmistule. [7]

1849. aastal abiellus Barnes Whigi ja vabariiklaste juhi Thurlow Weedi tütre Emily Weediga. [1] Ta suri 1889. aastal ja 1891. aastal abiellus Barnes lesk Elizabeth "Lizzie" Balmer Williamsiga (1844-1926). San Francisco õhtune bülletään toimetaja Samuel Williams, kes oli varem töötanud Albany õhtuleht. [1] [8]


Aumärgi tähelepanu keskpunkt - Sgt. William H. Barnes, Co. C, 38. USCI

Vaid kaks neljateistkümnest Aafrika -Ameerika sõdurist, kes said New Market Heightsi lahingus oma julgete tegude eest aumärgi, surid oma värbamise ajal. Sgt. Alfred B. Hilton (4. USCI) suri New Market Heightsi haavadesse umbes kolm nädalat pärast lahingut. Pvt. William H. Barnes (38. USCI) suri jõululaupäeval 1866 Texases teenistuses.

William H. Barnes sündis Marylandi osariigis St. Mary ’s maakonnas. Kuigi mõned allikad väidavad, et ta oli vaba rentnikupõllumees, ei anna tema teenistusdokumendid meile teada, kas ta oli vaba või orjastatud enne 11. veebruaril 1864 11. märtsil 1864 Ameerika Ühendriikide värvilises jalaväes kompanii C, asumist lähedal asuvas Point Lookoutis Marylandis. 23 -aastase Barnesi registreerimisteabe eelnõu näitab, et ta oli abielus.

29. septembril 1864, New Market Heightsi lahingus, oli 38. USCI viimane viiest esmastest ründerügementidest, kes võitlema läksid. Barnesi auhinnamedali tsitaat aga väidab, et ta oli esimene, kes sisenes vaenlase teosesse, kuigi see oli haavatud. Ja pärast paranemist Balfouri üldhaiglas Portsmouthis, Virginias, naasis ta 12. detsembril tööle , 1864.

Barnesile pidi olema rahuldav olla kuulumine XXV korpuse sõdurite hulka, kes sisenesid 3. aprillil 1865. aastal konföderatsiooni pealinna Richmondi. Veidi rohkem kui kuu aega hiljem oli 38. USCI siiski rügementide hulgas, kes said üleviimise Texase/Mehhiko piiril. Barnes teenis 1865 kevadel ülenduse kapraliks ja seejärel suvel seersandiks. Ebatervislikus keskkonnas teenimine põhjustas mustade sõdurite seas palju haigusjuhtumeid. Sõja ajal aktiivse võitluse üle elanud mehed langesid paljude haiguste ohvriks Texases. Nende hulgas oli ka Barnes.

1866. aasta suvel teatas Barnes haigestumisest. Ta viibis umbes järgmised kuus kuud Texases Indianolas haiglas, enne kui ta suri 24. detsembril 1866 tuberkuloosi, mis oli kuu aega vähem kui rügement. Marker märgib oma elu ja teenistust San Antonio rahvuskalmistul. Barnes saab tunnustuse ka USCT mälestusmärgil Lexington Parkis, Marylandis, oma kodumaal St. Mary ’s maakonnas.


4. Ülikoolist väljalangeja lõpetas Barnes & amp; Noble'i ostmise.

1960ndateks olid Barnes & amp Noble oma nimekaimad üle elanud ja hakkasid ostjate pakkumisi rahuldama. Leonard Riggio oli New Yorgi ülikooli osalise tööajaga üliõpilane, kes töötas ülikoolilinnaku raamatupoes ja oli pettunud, kui avastas, et tal ei lubata selle toimimist jälgida. Ta langes välja ja avas 1965. aastal Greenwichi külas konkureeriva poe - üliõpilaste raamatute vahetuse. Ettevõte kasvas nii edukalt, et suutis 1971. aastal osta 1,2 dollari eest Barnes & amp Noble'i lipulaeva (mis oli sel ajal tema enda asukoht). miljonit.


Püsiv pärand: William Wright Barnes ja kiriku ajalugu Edela -Baptisti teoloogilises seminaris. Baptistlikel asutustel on rikkalik pärand inimestest, kes on saavutanud legendaarse või peaaegu legendaarse staatuse.

Edela -Baptisti teoloogiline seminar Fort Worthis, Texases, pole sellest tähelepanekust erand. Baptist -titaanid nagu B. H. Carroll ja Lee Rutland Scarborough paistavad Edela -pärimuses eriti silma. Samamoodi jätavad teoloog W. T. Conner ja eetik T. B. Maston kaua pärast pensionile jäämist hiiglaslikke varje.

Kirikuajaloos kannatab William Wright Barnesi pikk siluett mõjutada tema distsipliini uurimist, kuna tema lapselapsed ja lapselapselapsed kirikuajaloo uurimisel jätkavad õppimist, õpetamist ja kirjutamist seminarides, ülikoolides ja kirikutes. Õpetades kiriku ajalugu Edelaosas aastatel 1913–1953, jättis Barnes baptistide ellu ja kirikuloo uurimisse eksimatu pärandi. See artikkel annab lühikese eluloo visandi Barnesi elust ja arutelu tema pärandist baptisti ning õpetaja ja kirjanikuna.

William Wright Barnes sündis Põhja -Carolinas Elm City linnas 28. veebruaril 1883. Ta oli kuuest lapsest noorim ning mõlemad vanemad seadsid hariduse esikohale. Tema isa oli kohalik arst ja ema oli Chowani kolledžis klassivalediktor. Üks Barnesi vendadest sai arstiks, kuid ilmselt tunnustati väga varajases elus William Wright Barnesi andeid õpetamisel.

Ta tegi viieteistkümneaastaselt Kristusse usutunnistuse ja ristiti Elm City baptistikoguduse liikmena. Ta õppis Wake Forest College'is [nüüd ülikool] ja lõpetas nii bakalaureusekraadi. ja magistrikraad kiitusega.

Lõpetamise järel nimetas Barnesi Lõuna -Baptistide konvendi kodumissiooni juhatus teenima Kuubas Santiagos. Ta oli seal elavate Ameerika perede laste juhendaja. Pärast lühikest ametiaega naasis ta kodumaakonda Põhja -Carolinasse, et seal ajutiselt riigikoolides teenida. Seal pühitses ta ta kodukoguduse teenistusse enne kolimist Kentucky osariiki Louisville'i, et õppida Lõuna -Baptisti teoloogilises seminaris. Pärast tema Th.M. kraadi, naasis ta Kuubale Havannasse, kus töötas üle kolme aasta El Colegio Cubano-American juhatajana. Selle aja jooksul abiellus ta Ethel Dalrymple'iga - liiduga, mis kestaks üle neljakümne aasta ja sünnitaks kaks poega, William Wright Jr ja Arch Dalrymple.

Barneses naasis Ameerika Ühendriikidesse 1912, kus Barnes astus taas Lõuna Seminarisse, et jätkata Th.D. kirikuajaloos silmapaistva ajaloolase ja hilisema Furmani ülikooli presidendi W. J. McGlothlini käe all. (1)

Pärast doktoriõppe lõpetamist võttis Barnes vastu kutse astuda suhteliselt uue Edela -Baptisti teoloogilise seminari teaduskonda Fort Worthis, Texases. Ta tuli seminari asutuse noore ajaloo kriitilisel hetkel. Algselt Texase Wacos asuva Baylori ülikooli osana moodustatud Southwestern oli 1908. aastal eraldatud eraldi institutsiooniks, eesmärgiga kolida sobiva saidi leidmisel teise kohta. Ümberpaigutamine toimus 1910. aastal, kui seminar viidi praegusele kohale.

Kooli elu esimesed aastad Fort Worthis olid vaesed. Tuli lahendada palju rahalisi ja logistilisi väljakutseid ning asutajapresident, baptistide hiiglane B. H. Carroll kannatas tervisehäirete all. Lisaks tekkis Carrolli ja mõnede seminari algsete õppejõudude vahel konflikt. Robert Baker märgib, et konflikti üheks allikaks oli mõne teaduskonna, eriti professor J. J. Reeve ja teaduskonna dekaan A. H. Newmani soov õppekava üle vaadata. Baker arvas ka, et Newmani seisukohad baptistide ajaloo kohta ja tema tagasilükkamine baptistide järelkasvule olid ilmselt veel üks kahe mehe vahelise konflikti allikas. Newman võttis omaks seisukohad, mida William H. Whitsitt oli mõned aastad varem pooldanud, mis viis ta Lõuna -Seminarist lahkumiseni. Whitsitti tagasiastumine oli suuresti tingitud Carrolli järeleandmatutest pingutustest. (2)

Tegelikult tõi teadlase Newmani sunnitud tagasiastumine Barnesi edelaosas kiriku ajaloos 1913. aastal. Barnes võttis seminari positsiooni vastu, kuigi tal oli sisuliselt samad seisukohad baptisti ajaloo kohta nagu Newmanil ja Whitsittil.

Vaatamata erinevustele vananeva presidendi ja noore kirikuajaloolase vahel hakkas Barnes vanameest imetlema. Barnes märkis hiljem, et Carroll "ei esitanud mulle kunagi küsimusi minu seisukohtade kohta baptistide pärimisest. Ta oli nõus, et ma uuriksin baptistide ajalugu ja õpetasin seda, mida ma leidsin. Kogu oma intellekti ülevusest oli see võib -olla üle tema südame suurusest." . " Barnes saavutas noorusest hoolimata kiiresti lugupidamise. Mõned Seminarimäe elanikud naersid tema noorusliku välimuse üle. Kui L. R. Scarborough tutvustas Barnesit esimest korda proua B. H. Carrollile, vaatas daam kolmekümneaastasele korralisele professorile silma ja ütles: "Lee, ma arvasin, et sa tood mehe." (3)

Barnesi kutse Southwesterni õpetada sai eluaegseks kohustuseks. Hoolimata mitmetest pakkumistest teenida teistel ametikohtadel teistes institutsioonides, hõlmas tema seotus seminariga institutsioonilisi muutusi, konfessionaalseid konflikte, suurt depressiooni ja Teist maailmasõda.

Barnesi õpilane ja hilisem kolleeg Robert Baker salvestas, et sellised asutused nagu Richmondi ülikool, Lõuna -Carolina ülikool ja Merceri ülikool näitasid Barnesi vastu huvi erinevate ametikohtade vastu, samas kui Barnes lükkas tagasi McMasteri ülikooli Furmani ülikooli "kindlad pakkumised" Toronto ja Lõuna baptistide teoloogiline seminar. Baker märkis ka, et Wake Forest College "arvas" teda presidendi otsimisel 1930. aastal. Lisaks oli Barnes potentsiaalne pastor paljudes mainekates kogudustes. (4) Vaatamata kahtlemata atraktiivsetele pakkumistele otsustas Barnes jääda Southwesternisse.

Barnes sai neid pakkumisi erinevatel põhjustel. Barnes ei olnud mitte ainult silmapaistev teadlane ja klassijuhataja, vaid ka aktiivne konfessiooniasjades ning suurepärane jutlustaja. Tema asjatundlikkust baptisti kirikuõpetuses tunnustati ja osaliselt tänu sellele oli Barnes perioodiliselt aastatel 1914, 1922-27 ja 1933-35 Tarrant Baptist Associationi moderaator. (5)

Hoolimata teiste ametikohtade pakkumistest ja Barnesi arvukatest kingitustest sellistes valdkondades nagu jutlustamine ja juhtimine, otsustas kiriku ajaloolane jääda Edelaosasse. Põhjuseid, miks ta Fort Worthi jäi, oli mitu. Kindlasti tekkis Barnesis tema loodeajal edelaosas koos Carrolli ja Scarboroughiga põhiline lojaalsus. Scarboroughi tunnustus Barnesi administratiivsetele annetele võimaldas kirikuajaloolasel sellel areenil oma märkimisväärseid andeid rakendada ja suurendas veelgi tema investeeringuid seminari ellu. Kui president Scarborough reisis osariiki ja kogu Lõuna-Liitu jutlustades ning juhtides Lõuna-Baptistide Konventsiooni seitsmekümne viie miljoni kampaaniat 1920. aastatel, usaldas ta Southwesterni haldushoolduse ajaloolase võimekate käte kätte, määrates sageli tema äraolekul presidendi kohusetäitja Barnesi.

Muul ajal Southwesterni elus oli Barnes peamiselt registripidaja ja raamatukoguhoidja. Ta oli üks Southwestern Journal of Theology asutajaid selle esialgsel perioodil 1917. aastal. Temast sai teoloogiateaduskonna esimees 1926. aastal ja jäi sellele ametikohale kuni aastani 1949. Selles ametis tegutses Barnes põhimõtteliselt SWBTSi akadeemilise dekaanina. Kahtlemata tugevdasid need võimalused tema lojaalsust institutsioonile. Hilisemas elus aitas tema naise Etheli kehv tervis ja praktiliselt invaliidistunud seisund kaasa tema otsusele jätkata edelaosas, et tal oleks oma ajakavas paindlikkus tema eest hoolitseda.

Konfliktiliste konfliktide mõju evolutsiooniteooriale ja J. Frank Norrise rünnakutele aitas kaasa Barnesi otsusele mitte loobuda seminarist keset tormi. Samamoodi oli selle otsuse tulemus tema otsus jääda institutsiooni suure depressiooni ajal. (6) Võib -olla oli kõige suurem põhjus aga Barnesi armastus seminari klassiruumi vastu.

Barnes oli tuntud oma õpetamise poolest. Robert Baker, kes oli nii Barnesi õpilane kui ka seejärel tema kolleeg Southwesternis, mäletas oma endist juhendajat kui "rasket ülesannet", kuid "tasuvat". Barnes had a powerful intellect and an incredible memory. He was most famous at Southwestern for his ability to recall and tell stories. While some students doubtless laughed at Barnes's tendency "to chase rabbits," Baker recalls that his "chasing rabbits" served "to catch the attention of the students and to make a vital point in history."

Barnes possessed a "remarkable memory" with the ability to recall "significant details, particularly in Baptist history" in an "almost uncanny fashion." This memory was undoubtedly the product of a disciplined mind and a scholarly aptitude. Barnes was proficient in Spanish, French, and German and read three other languages. He taught hymnology in the school of music on occasion and in his first year taught "Sunday School pedagogy" and "Christian sociology" in what became the Department of Religious Education at Southwestern.

Baker also wrote that he "displayed familiarity with botany, zoology, geography, mathematics, philosophy, sociology, and English and American literature. He constantly quoted in class from Greek and Latin writers." Certainly, this prodigious memory assisted him in his pulpit skills as well.

In another instance, Baker recorded that Barnes was a man of "thorough training, wide culture, and profound spirituality." He also had a considerable independent streak. William R. Estep recalls that Barnes continued to smoke an occasional cigar late in life, despite Southwestern's no-smoking policy. (7)

The church historian also had the reputation of giving grueling exams. Baker's history of Southwestern recounts one almost legendary story regarding Barnes as taskmaster.

Despite his great love for the classroom and his devotion to Southwestern Seminary, there were times when Barnes must have been tempted to leave the institution. The Great Depression was incredibly difficult for the seminary and its faculty, especially coming upon the heels of disappointment and debt that emerged from the Seventy-Five Million Campaign. Barnes was directly involved in denominational conflict. Finally, conflicts arose for Barnes that affected his relationship with President Scarborough.

Southwestern Seminary's struggles through the latter 1920s and throughout the Great Depression have been well-documented in Baker's Tell the Generations Following and do not warrant further detailed discussion here. It should be noted, however, that those years were the years that Barnes served as chairman of the theology faculty and frequently as acting president in Scarborough's absence. As chairman of the faculty, Barnes played a crucial role in maintaining faculty morale and loyalty in the face of several pay cuts and looming bankruptcy. It may well be that much of the respect that Barnes later received from the faculty came from his leadership during this critical period. (9)

Barnes's struggles with J. Frank Norris must be considered in the larger context of the denominational conflict. Norris was the controversial pastor of the First Baptist Church of Fort Worth who, prior to 1910, had been a loyal member of the denomination and avid supporter of Southwestern Seminary. As H. Leon McBeth has shown, after 1910 Norris's leadership and preaching styles underwent radical changes prompting a mass exodus of the membership of the church in 1912, including B. H. Carroll, several seminary professors, and ultimately, Scarborough. Many of these departing members-including Barnes and his family--joined Broadway Baptist Church, Fort Worth.

Norris spent the subsequent years consolidating his control over First Baptist and engaging in an ongoing battle with city officials. By 1920, however, he had begun to launch attacks on Baylor University, the Baptist General Convention of Texas, and the Southern Baptist Convention. Prompting Norris's attacks were his concerns about evolution and his opposition to the Seventy-Five Million Campaign. Generally, the "Texas Tornado" used both sensationalist tactics and subtle innuendo to carry out his verbal assaults. (10)

Barnes was drawn into the fray in 1921 when Norris implied in his newsletter that the seminary church historian was an evolutionist. In the subsequent meeting of Tarrant Baptist Association, Scarborough confronted Norris publicly. Baker wrote that the seminary president put "aside all restraint" and "thoroughly castigated Norris before the group."

The next day, Scarborough approached Barnes at the seminary and told him that Norris wanted the church historian to respond to a series of questions that the Fort Worth pastor wanted answered. Baker recorded Barnes's reply:

Scarborough's defense of Barnes was apparently the initial cause of the major eruption between the seminary president and Norris. However, Barnes's position in the conflict was quickly forgotten, as the fundamentalist's attacks on Southwestern became so caustic and Scarborough's defense so vigorous as to diminish the original source of controversy.

Barnes was not an evolutionist but understood the nature of Norris's criticism and its role in his ministry. Barnes later clearly stated that he did not believe that humans were descended from another species. But he knew that nothing that he would do could satisfy Norris and that any response on his part would be twisted.

This was not the only reason the erudite scholar refused to engage in a debate with Norris. Barnes's understanding of Scripture, theology, and Baptist polity and history forbade him from allowing any believer from becoming "the inquisitor" of his conscience. For him, it was a matter of soul liberty and the autonomy of local congregations. Norris had no authority to question Barnes in the church historian's view.

Once the battle was joined, however, the conflict would rage for the remainder of Scarborough's and Norris's lives. Scarborough and Southwestern were only two of Norris's targets. In the denomination, Norris criticized Baylor University, the Seventy-Five Million Campaign, the Southern Baptist Convention, George W. Truett, the Baptist General Convention of Texas, and the Tarrant Baptist Association.

Ultimately, this constant harassment and attempts to purge what Norris perceived as modernism, resulted in the expulsion of him and the First Baptist Church of Fort Worth from the TBA, the BGCT, and the SBC. Ironically, Barnes was serving as assistant moderator of the association when it refused to seat messengers from the church for the first time and was the moderator when the church was expelled a second time in 1925. (12)

Norris's unrelenting attacks on the SBC and its institutions and the pressures resulting from the transdenominational fundamentalist-modernist controversy led the SBC to move in the direction of adopting a confession of faith. While Barnes had no direct role in the development of the Baptist Faith and Message, the confession and subsequent statements regarding it played a significant role in his work at Southwestern.

The immediate origin of the controversy revolving around the Baptist Faith and Message came when the committee selected in 1924 to draw up the confession returned its report in 1925. The committee was comprised of E. Y. Mullins, who was, as Jesse Fletcher says, "the undisputed theological authority among Southern Baptists" Lee R. Scarborough C. P. Stealey W. J. McGlothlin S. M. Brown E. C. Dargan and R. H. Pitt.

The confession was submitted with several disclaimers that it was only a confession to guide interpretation and was not to function as a creed. As was probably expected, the statement in the confession regarding the fall of humans was the most controversial portion of the confession. On creation it stated, "Man was created by a special act of God." Stealey, editor of the Oklahoma Baptist Messenger, submitted an amendment that called for an addition which stated "and not by evolution." Considerable debate ensued. Eventually, Mullins won the day by responding, "Brethren, if we are not going to try to tell God how he created man, we should not try to tell him how he did not do it." The amendment lost by more than a two-to-one margin, but this did not end the conflict. (13)

The following year, in an attempt to quell continued unrest, George McDaniel, president of the SBC and pastor of the First Baptist Church of Richmond, addressed the convention meeting in Houston. He concluded by stating, "This convention accepts Genesis as teaching that man was the special creation of God, and rejects every theory, evolution or other, which teaches that man originated in, or came by way of, a lower animal ancestry."

M. E. Dodd of Louisiana followed with a motion "that the statement of the president on the subject of evolution and the origin of man be adopted as the sentiment of this Convention, and that from this point on no further consideration be given to this subject. " Dodd's motion was adopted unanimously. (14)

Subsequently, L. R. Scarborough then reported to the convention that the trustees of SWBTS had endorsed the McDaniel statement. Reports on the exact statement made by Scarborough vary. Scarborough contended that he had stated a simple endorsement, but others believed that he had either said or implied that all of the faculty and staff of the seminary had to sign the statement to remain at the institution. The dispute that emerged from Scarborough's report was to linger for more than two years. After Scarborough's report, Selsius E. Tull of Arkansas, an ally of Stealey and staunch antievolutionist, made the following resolution:

After brief discussion the resolution passed.

Fundamentalists believed that the confession, the McDaniel statement, and the Tull resolution meant that they had won. The moderates in the SBC were outraged and, once again, Mullins attempted to play a mediating role. Scarborough and Southwestern's perceived compliance further alienated Mullins and Southern Seminary. When word reached Barnes and other members of the Southwestern faculty, they were deeply disturbed. In Barnes's words, "that announcement created quite a stir in our ranks" adding that "the majority of the heads of departments will perhaps refuse to sign." (16)

Scarborough told the faculty that they would not be required "to sign on the dotted line." Barnes's response was that Scarborough's announcement at the meeting in Houston left "the impression on the denomination that those of us who remain here have signed." Barnes had several problems with Scarborough's support of the resolution.

First, he believed that the trustees had "no authority to pass upon articles of faith." The charter of the seminary gave that authority to the SBC. The adopted confession of faith for SWBTS was the New Hampshire Confession from its inception and according to Barnes, remained the articles of faith until the SBC adopted another confession "as the expression of the belief of the institution."

Second, Barnes agreed with South Carolina editor Z. T. Cody who "called the whole signing up business sham and hypocrisy." While Scarborough repeatedly denied that he would make the McDaniel statement a test for seminary employment, Barnes undoubtedly believed that he had. Barnes wrote J. S. Farmer, business manager of North Carolina's state paper, the Biblical Recorder, "that in so far as the actual teaching of the statement is concerned I was in agreement with it, that I do not believe that man's ascendancy or descendancy from some other animal has been proven." Barnes believed, however, "that the inclusion of such a statement in a confession of faith is a serious mistake. It has nothing to do with confessions."

Barnes's objection to the McDaniel statement, Tull resolution, and Scarborough announcement was not a scientific or even theological one. It was a matter of church polity, and in many ways, a question of integrity. Barnes believed that Scarborough and the trustees were misrepresenting Southwestern and its faculty.

Finally, Barnes believed that Scarborough's motivation was political, financial, and personal. He wrote Farmer, "I think his whole attitude is a gesture toward the ultraconservatives. He is hoping the present situation in Fort Worth may give him an opportunity to retrieve some lost prestige in Texas." The "situation in Fort Worth" to which Barnes was referring was Norris's July 17th shooting of D. E. Chipps and the Fort Worth pastor's subsequent arrest and impending trial. Barnes believed that Scarborough saw that backing the endorsement of the McDaniel and Tull resolutions as an opportunity to recapture support for the seminary that had been lost as a result of Norris's unceasing attacks on the SBC, the BGCT, the TBA, and SWBTS. (17)

From the available information, it appears that Barnes's evaluation of Scarborough's report to the SBC in Houston was correct. Both Z. T. Cody and J. S. Farmer confirmed Barnes's impressions, and Scarborough himself later recorded that the faculty and staff had endorsed the McDaniel statement. Scarborough wrote this despite the fact that the faculty had not actually signed any document at this point and despite the fact that Barnes still believed this was the impression that had been given. This impression and the report issued at the 1927 convention increased the pressure from the fundamentalists on Southern Seminary and ultimately came back to haunt Scarborough. (18)

Subsequently, the conflict intensified when the Oklahoma Baptist Convention approved a resolution by C. C. Morris and voted to withhold its funds from any institution that had not signed a statement approving the Tull resolution. Mullins, the faculty at Southern, Scarborough, and Barnes--probably on behalf of the Southwestern faculty--immediately protested. Their protest led to a heated exchange of correspondence, and, at one point, the return of funds by Southwestern to the Oklahoma Baptist Convention.

The sticking point seems to have been that while the faculty at Southwestern ratified the McDaniel statement, they had done so on a conditional agreement with Scarborough. To accept the money from Oklahoma on a further condition that they were endorsing the Morris resolution and further sign a statement to that effect violated their agreement with Scarborough. Barnes made this an issue with the seminary president.

To the church historian, such compliance with the Oklahoma Baptist Convention was filled with creedalism and coercion. Barnes pressured Scarborough to return the money, it was placed in escrow, and the Oklahoma Baptist Convention resolved the situation to the satisfaction of all. In the words of Z. T. Cody, the Oklahoma brethren "wanted some way in which to turn that bear loose!" Barnes and Scarborough did not find themselves alone in the struggle.

Mullins and the Southern faculty were in a similar situation and some in Oklahoma like J. W. Brunet sought a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Baptist editors L. L. Gwaltney of the Alabama Baptist, Livingston Johnson of the Biblical Recorder, and Z. T. Cody of the Baptist Courier all supported Barnes and the others in the conflict against J. B. Rounds of the Oklahoma Baptist Convention and C. P. Stealey, editor of the Baptist Messenger. In fact, Cody said Barnes's response to Stealey had "the ring of a man" and added that it was "exactly the kind of letters that should be written by all of our educational people." (19)

Further conflict was averted by several factors. One was that C. P. Stealey was ousted from the Baptist Messenger. Stealey had been one of the primary instigators of efforts to pressure the faculty at the seminaries not only to advocate the McDaniel statement and Tull resolution but also to sign the Morris resolution. Stealey was not going to stop at anything less than individually signed disavowals of evolution by all seminary faculty. Barnes believed that Stealey's active role had come as he sought to divert attention away from his own problems in Oklahoma as editor of the state paper.

Another factor was Barnes's leadership. The SWBTS faculty had stood virtually unanimous in their opposition to creedal enforcement of the McDaniel and Tull resolutions, and they did so in conjunction with the faculty of SBTS. As Barnes wrote to Stealey, "If the assurance you have already received of my orthodoxy has not satisfied you nothing further that I may say can do so." Barnes's strong stance forced Scarborough to stand up to Rounds, Stealey, and Morris. Ultimately, Scarborough's defense of the faculty and their position was as forceful as any Barnes had made. (20)

The relationship between L. R. Scarborough and Barnes suffered throughout this situation. Robert Baker recorded that part of the difficulty between the two men resulted from Scarborough's personality and administrative style.

The real catalyst for the difficulty between the two was Scarborough's handling of the situation regarding the McDaniel statement, and the Tull and Morris resolutions. In fact, Barnes wrote Johnson, "It is due to such inconsistencies on the part of Dr. Scarborough that much of our difficulty in Texas is due." He expressed similar sentiments to Cody. (22)

Barnes expressed his frustrations most vividly in a handwritten letter to his friend W. R. Cullam at Wake Forest College. Writing about the Oklahoma Baptist Convention's withholding financial support from SWBTS, he told Cullam:

Scarborough's difficulties were not unique. Other Baptist college, university, and seminary presidents found that treading the middle ground of their constituencies was uncomfortable territory. Certainly, Mullins found a similar experience at Southern.

Scarborough well understood the dynamics of Texas Baptist life and the conservative nature of Texas Baptists. Still, Barnes believed that SWBTS and Scarborough would have been better served by a more consistent stance and that the seminary president had brought much of the situation on himself and the institution by his initial response to the McDaniel statement at the 1926 convention. It is a credit to the character of both men that they continued to serve together in an effective manner despite these differences until Scarborough retired in 1942.

Something of Barnes's character and the reasoning behind his lengthy tenure at SWBTS when other offers beckoned may be revealed in comments found in his letter to W. R. Cullam. After discussing the aforementioned conflict, Barnes wrote Cullam, "For my part I am marking time and waiting for developments. At times I am inclined to quit it all, and at times, I determine to stand by and fight it out `if it takes all summer' or even all of a life time."

This determination is what Baker meant when he wrote, "Somewhat paradoxically, the vicious attacks of J. Frank Norris, primarily aimed at Barnes in the Seminary aspect, did more to keep Barnes at the Seminary than to run him off." (24)

Barnes's personal character was such that he was not going to be forced out of his beloved institution by Norris, Stealey, or anyone. While Norris continued in his attacks on Southwestern, fortunately, others in the SBC lost interest in the fight due to more pressing financial concerns and with the onset of the Great Depression and the Second World War.

The role of W. W. Barnes throughout this conflict is important for several reasons. As chair of the theology faculty and as a visible denominational leader, he served as a key spokesman throughout the controversy. His relationship with Scarborough was affected substantially by the conflict. Perhaps as importantly, along with his writing, that relationship lends significant insight to understanding Barnes's historiography and his methodology.

Barnes published only two books during his lengthy career. The first was a small, yet revealing book, A Study in the Development of Ecclesiology, the Southern Baptist Convention. The second was his major work, the commissioned centennial history, The Southern Baptist Convention, 1845-1953. Baker related that there were several factors that limited his writing output, some of which have been detailed or noted previously.

Barnes also wrote a number of journal articles. Review of a sampling of these articles, his two books, and an analysis of his viewpoints regarding the controversies discussed above can give an understanding of his approach to history and, specifically, to church history.

Barnes's most important publication was his history of the Southern Baptist Convention. Despite some of the criticism he received for the work and the fact that the book was delayed in publication due to this criticism, his history of the Southern Baptist Convention was a pioneer study. (25)

It was the first comprehensive look at the history of the SBC. Barnes's writing style is fluid and easy to follow, and the basic structure and organization of the book are excellent. His research is solid and focused on the use of primary sources. Almost fifty years later, it remains a good resource. He emphasized especially the role of missions and cooperation in the creation, growth, and unity of the Southern Baptist Convention. He also discussed the roles of individuals like W. B. Johnson and I. T. Tichenor in the formation and extension of the convention.

Underlying its text are the implications of the significance of key Baptist distinctives of voluntarism and local church autonomy consistent with Barnes's other writings.

It has weaknesses, particularly in addressing Southern Baptist responses to social concerns and in its slight neglect of the significance of slavery in creating the SBC and the role that race relations has played throughout the history of the denomination. It is largely a descriptive account with some analysis, but especially twentieth-century developments lack the depth of analysis that Barnes could have provided.

Barnes believed that critical to comprehending church history was the ability to understand church polity and governance. He directly related this to the history of the Southern Baptist Convention. Barnes used the history of the SBC in Study in Ecclesiology as a case study and demonstrated that one of the key principles of Baptist church polity was the idea that "a church is a self-governing, independent, supreme ecclesiastical body." Further, he related, "Baptist churches may not relinquish their sovereignty to any one group or organization." (26)

In a 1955 article for the Review and Expositor, he expanded on this concept:

Thus, for Barnes the autonomy of the local church and the relationship of churches, associations, and conventions to one another were essential to understanding Baptist history.

Relative to this was Barnes's understanding of the creation of the Southern Baptist Convention. Barnes believed that the crisis over slavery resulting in the Civil War provided the occasion for the creation of the SBC but was not the cause.

Barnes insisted that the underlying causes of the separation of Baptists in America related to "differences in ecclesiology" and "in the realm of home missions." Barnes believed that the differences in ecclesiology could be traced to the early history of Baptists in the South, the major difference being a desire for a more "compact denominational body" among Baptists in the South. The church historian also argued that "division was in the air" as early as the 1830s, but it was "the question of slavery" that "arose to divide" Baptists. (28)

Barnes also wrote three other key journal articles for the Review and Expositor that are important in understanding his view of church history. The articles consisted of lectures he delivered at Southern Seminary in Louisville.

Like E. Y. Mullins, Barnes believed that the key Baptist distinctive was soul competency. In two of these articles, Barnes traced this principle throughout church history. He believed soul competency was at the heart of evangelical theology and flowed throughout the history of Christianity.

Further, he argued that soul competency sometimes could be found under the auspices of the ancient and medieval church and sometimes found through extraecclesiastical groups considered heretical by the medieval church. He believed that both traditions indirectly influenced the Anabaptists of the Reformation.

He believed that Martin Luther was one individual who recaptured the significance of the local congregation for the theology of the church. Once again, Barnes related the principle of soul competency to ecclesiology and an understanding of the importance of ecclesiology to the study of church history. (29)

Barnes believed that Southern Baptists had largely been true to the concept of soul competency. He feared, however, that the evolution of the denomination, which took place in the 1920s and 1930s, was a deviation from its previous course. He stated in Study He feared, however, that in Ecclesiology:

Furthermore, he issued a challenge to Southern Baptists:

Hence, considering these passages against the background of the conflicts of which he found himself a part, Barnes's active defense of the principles of voluntarism, the autonomy of the local church, soul competency, and noncoercion were rooted in his interpretation of Baptist history.

The last eleven years of Barnes's career at Southwestern were some of his most rewarding despite the fact that he faced personal illness and crisis. His wife became an invalid, his sons served as Marine officers in the Pacific theater in World War II, and he had major surgery and illness.

Nevertheless, from 1942 to 1953 the aging historian recognized the fruits of a long career. He completed his history of the Southern Baptist Convention, completed more than twenty years as chair of the theology faculty, was awarded the title of Research Professor of Baptist History, and was influential in founding the Southern Baptist Historical Commission. After his retirement in 1953, he continued to be a significant part of Southwestern and Baptist life until his death in 1960 at the age of seventy-seven. (32)

As significant as Barnes's life, teaching, and administration were to Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, as crucial as his role as a denominational leader, spokesman, and defender of Baptist principles, and as pioneering as was his history of the Southern Baptist Convention, his greatest role was the legacy in the study of church history and Baptist history that he left behind at Southwestern.

Barnes's finest student and later colleague was Robert A. Baker, the prolific chronicler of Baptist history and church history and faculty member at SWBTS for thirty-nine years. A colleague and student of both Barnes and Baker who was influenced by both men was William R. Estep, who had one seminar with Barnes and likewise became an excellent church historian. Another of Baker's outstanding students was H. Leon McBeth who, along with others, has continued the rich tradition of quality scholarship and perceptive historical work in Baptist history to the present day at Southwestern.

Barnes was a person of integrity who instilled the importance of solid historical research, integrity in personal, spiritual, and denominational matters, compelling teaching skills, and the ability to communicate effectively with laypersons and professional clergy and scholars alike. His legacy lives on in the students of Baker, Estep, and McBeth, and in their students.

(1.) Robert A. Baker, "William Wright Barnes," Baptist History and Heritage 5 (1970): 144 Robert A. Baker, "William Wright Barnes and Southwestern Seminary," Founders' Day Address, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, March 14, 1975, 1-2, typewritten copy in W. W. Barnes Paper Collection, 22: 4: 7, box 1, Archives, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas and Samuel B. Hesler, William Wright Barnes biographical sheet, William Wright Barnes biographical file, Archives, Roberts Library, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Fort Worth, Texas.

(2.) Robert A. Baker, Tell the Generations Following: A History of Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, 1908-1983 (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1983), 135-46, 145-46, 159-62, 165-67 Baker, "Barnes," 145 and Alan J. Lefever, Fighting the Good Fight: The Life and Work of Benajah Harvey Carroll (Austin: Eakin Press, 1994), 86-94.

(3.) Baker, "Barnes," 144-45 Baker, "Barnes and Southwestern," 3 and Walker L. Knight, "W. W. Barnes: Teacher of Baptists," Baptist Standard (January 14, 1954): 5.

(5.) Baker, "Barnes and Southwestern," 9 and James E. Carter, Cowboys, Cowtown & Crosses: A Centennial History of Tarrant Baptist Association (Fort Worth: Tarrant Baptist Association, 1986), 58.

(6.) Baker, Tell the Generations, 301, 305 Baker, "Barnes," 146 Baker, "Barnes and Southwestern," 6 and W. W. Barnes, "Retrospect and Prospect," Southwestern Journal of Theology I (October, 1958): 8.

(7.) Baker, "Barnes and Southwestern," 9 Baker, Tell the Generations, 206, 212, 265, 305 and Letter from W. R. Estep to the author, December 29, 1999.

(8.) Baker, Tell the Generations, 305.

(10.) H. Leon McBeth, "John Franklyn Norris: Texas Ternado," Baptist History and Heritage 32 (April 1997): 30-33 Barry Hankins, God's Rascal: J. Frank Norris & the Beginnings of Southern Fundamentalism (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1996), 14-15 and Baker, Tell the Generations, 220-22.

(11.) Baker, Tell the Generations, 222-23.

(12.) Carter, 53-56. For more on Norris and his relationship with Southern Baptists, see Hankins, God's Rascal, and McBeth, "John Franklyn Norris."

(13.) Annual, Southern Baptist Convention, 1925, 76 Jesse Fletcher, The Southern Baptist Convention: A Sesquicentennial History (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1994), 141-43 and Herschel H. Hobbs, "The Baptist Faith and Message--Anchored but Free," Baptist History and Heritage 33 (July 1978): 33-34.

(14.) Annual, Southern Baptist Convention, 1926, 18. See also William E. Ellis, "A Man of Books and a Man of the People": E. Y Mullins and the Crisis of Moderate Southern Baptist Leadership (Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1985), 191ff.

(15.) Annual, Southern Baptist Convention, 1926, 98.

(16.) Fletcher, 143-44 Ellis, 197-99 and Letter from W. W. Barnes to Z. T. Cody, July 22, 1926, located at Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. Barnes's correspondence in this collection hereafter cited as Barnes at SWBTS.

(17.) Barnes letter to Cody, July 22, 1926, Barnes at SWBTS Letter from W. W. Barnes to J. S. Farmer, September 4, 1926, Barnes at SWBTS and Hankins, 118-19.

(18.) Barnes letter to Farmer, September 4, 1926, Barnes at SWBTS Letter from J. S. Farmer to W. W. Barnes, September 21, 1926, Barnes at SWBTS and Lee Rutland Scarborough, A Modern School of the Prophets: A History of the Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary, Its First Thirty Years (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1939), 159-60.

(19.) Ellis, 199-201 Letter from C. P. Stealey to W. W. Barnes, December 8, 1927 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from W. W. Barnes to C. E Stealey, December 9, 1927 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from Kyle M. Yates to W. W Barnes, December 16, 1927 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from W. W. Barnes to Kyle M. Yates, December 20, 1927 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from Z. T. Cody to W. W. Barnes, February 4, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from Livingston Johnson to W. W. Barnes, February 13, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from W. W. Barnes to L. L. Gwaltney, February 21, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from L. L. Gwaltney to W. W. Barnes, February 24, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from W. W. Barnes to Livingston Johnson, April 4, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from W. W. Barnes to Z. T, Cody, April 4, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from C. C. Morris to L. R. Scarborough, April 5, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) Letter from L. R. Scarborough to C. C. Morris, April 6, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) and Letter from Z. T. Cody to W. W. Barnes, April 7, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS). See also Barnes's historical account of this sequence of events in W. W. Barnes, The Southern Baptist Convention, i845-1953 (Nashville: Broadman Press, 1954), 257-61.

(20.) Ellis, 201 Barnes letter to Yates, December 20, 1927 Barnes letter to Gwaltney, February 21, 1928 Letter from W. W. Barnes to Livingston Johnson, February 7, 1928 (Barnes at SWBTS) and Scarborough letter to Morris, April 6, 1928.

(22.) Letter from Barnes to Johnson, April 4, 1928 and letter from Barnes to Cody, April 4, 1928.

(23.) Letter from W. W. Barnes to W. R. Cullam, February 24, 1927 (Barnes at SWBTS).

(24.) Barnes letter to Cullam, February 24, 1927 and Baker, "Barnes," 145.

(25.) Apparently, W. O. Carver, chairman of the history commission serving in an editorial capacity, was one of those critical of Barnes's work. Carver opposed the publication of history of the SBC and was partially responsible for its delay in publication. Part of the cause in the delay of publication was due to the health problems of both Barnes and his wife. Ultimately, the commission chose E. C. Routh to provide an editorial revision of the text and asked Porter Routh to write an additional chapter covering the period from 1946-1953. Brief mention of some of this is found in the Preface. This author was unable to find any documentation at SWBTS or in the Barnes files there that indicated the reasons for Carver's objections. It has been perceived, however, that Carver held a bias against Barnes because of his affiliation with Southwestern and Texas and would have preferred that someone else write the history. Part of his objection may have come from the long-standing rivalry between the two institutions.

(26.) W. W. Barnes, A Study in the Development of Ecclesiology, The Southern Baptist Convention (Fort Worth: By the author, 1934, reprint ed., Dallas: Baptist General Convention of Texas, 1997), 11. Hereafter cited as Study in Ecclesiology.

(27.) W. W. Barnes, "Churches and Associations Among Baptists," Review and Expositor 52 (April 19551): 199.

(28.) W. W. Barnes, "Why the Southern Baptist Convention Was Formed," Review and Expositor 41 (January 1944): 3, 5, 8, 9 and Barnes, The Southern Baptist Convention, 12-32.

(29.) W. W. Barnes, "Progress of Baptist Principles from Constantine to Luther and the Anabaptists," Review and Expositor 23 (January :1926): 44, 49, 57, 58, 59 W. W. Barnes, "Progress of Baptist Principles from Jesus and Paul to Constantine," Review and Expositor 23 (January 1926): 303, 304, 309, 310-13 and W. W. Barnes, "Luther's View of the Church," Review and Expositor 14 (October 1917): 419-25.

(30.) Barnes, Study in Ecclesiology, 34.

(31.) Ibid., 78. Emphasis Barnes's.

(32.) Baker, "Barnes and Southwestern," 8.

Michael Williams is dean of humanities and social sciences and associate professor of history, Dallas Baptist University, Dallas, Texas.


Heroes of history: In remembrance of William A. Barnes

Photo By Chief Petty Officer William Colclough | U.S. Coast Guard World War II veteran William A. Barnes provides an oral history interview at his home in hospice in Jackson, Nov. 28, 2012. Barnes passed away March 15. see less | View Image Page

NEW ORLEANS, LA, UNITED STATES

04.01.2013

Story by Petty Officer 2nd Class William Colclough

U.S. Coast Guard District 8

NEW ORLEANS - Born July 15, 1920 and died March 15, 2013, William A. Barnes is now Clarksdale, Miss.’s most legendary resident. As he rests in peace in Jackson, Miss., Barnes shares citizenship with fellow Mississippi Delta luminaries such as Robert Johnson, Tennessee Williams and W.C. Handy. While the bluesman Johnson sold his soul, Williams his plays and Handy, the very art and business of blues, Barnes sold life dearly to enemies of his country but gave it freely to rescue those in peril as a true blue-suiter Coast Guardsman.

Unlike them, however, Barnes is a full-fledged member of the Greatest Generation. This is a club so elite there is no card, just a bullet-holed dog tag and perhaps some scars, memories or pieces of lead still embedded unbeknownst. One could say they regard aches and pain as merely weakness departing the body.

Originally, Barnes waited in line to sign up with the U.S. Navy, but the line was too long. He then enlisted in the U.S. Coast Guard Dec. 8, 1941, the day after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.

Following an initial assignment to the Manhattan Beach Coast Guard Training Center in New York and a short stay at the Merchant Marine Academy, he was assigned to the USS PC 590.

Barnes served as a gunner for a 20-mm anti-aircraft machine gun on the bridge of the PC 590, which was a patrol craft and submarine chaser in the Pacific theater during World War II. He is credited with damaging or destroying several Japanese aircraft, including some possibly flown by Kamikaze suicide pilots.

From there, he and his shipmates sailed to Pearl Harbor to begin the task of escorting large convoys of battleships, supply ships, tankers and troop transports to combat zones in the South Pacific. In the nearly two years he spent aboard PC 590, there were no losses among the ships escorted by the cutter. In 1945, a typhoon struck the American fleet supporting operations around Okinawa. The anchor line of PC 590 broke during the storm and the cutter crashed into a reef. The crew was rescued by their comrades on nearby ships despite the dangers of typhoon conditions, but PC 590 broke apart and became partially submerged.

"It was a terrible sight to see them take an ax and cut that towline, Barnes remembered. "We got stuck in a crater and stayed there for five days. We went wherever Mother Nature took us."

Now adrift in the most isolated part of the Pacific, Barnes and the crew drifted for 62 days - right into the cradle of a reef. The hull plating tore, split and collapsed like breaking waves. Fast currents from the typhoon thrust the ship straight toward the Sea of Japan.

"We were almost to the waters of Japan, and, we didn't know a submarine was right below us," Barnes recalled. "They surfaced right next to us all of a sudden. I swung my 20-mm around. Then, I saw the most beautiful thing in the world - raising of the American flag."

During those two months while either adrift or dead in the water, the crew ran out of food. A carpenter's mate cannibalized some wire from one of the ship's service generators and made fishing line.

"We had salmon for breakfast, salmon for lunch, and you guessed it - salmon for dinner," Barnes said.

After 60 days adrift near Midway Island, a troop convoy ship arrived and towed the PC 590 back to a dry dock in Pearl Harbor.The crew disembarked to what was known as a marine rest area, where they stayed at none other than the Royal Hawaii Hotel.

"It was the swankiest hotel in the world," said Barnes. "They served us five meals a day - no salmon of course."

After 10 days of rest and relaxation, Barnes and his shipmates boarded a repaired PC 590 and resumed the mission of escorting battleship convoys. On Aug. 15, 1945, the Empire of Japan surrendered and cemented the end of the war and the total victory of the Allies over the Axis powers. Barnes ended his service Nov. 28, 1945. The remaining four months of his service as a yeoman he helped other Coast Guardsmen process discharges.

Before he passed away, Barnes donated his original World War II petty officer 1st class uniform, vintage photographs and service memorabilia during an official commemoration ceremony at the Mississippi Armed Forces Museum at Camp Shelby, Miss., Nov. 16, 2013.

Right up to his last days, he gave a part of himself freely. He literally could not wait to serve. For, he went from the shortest line of the Coast Guard recruiting office in 1941 all the way to that long blue line of sterling shipmates who man the rails of the hallowed halls of our nation’s history.

There is no app for honor or heroism on a smart phone, but if one googles William A. Barnes, they will soon discover his life was the steady application of decency and dedication. He and a dwindling number of veterans of World War II are dying at a rate of more than 600 a day.

As a result, there are approximately 1.2 million veterans remaining of the 16 million who served in World War II. There is the 99 percent, the one percent, and there are the two-fifths of one percent of the American population who gave some. And, with their last breath, they gave all. Forget them we will not.

Barnes, like many of his band of brothers, is now a hero of history. As each of them pass, a torrent of 300 million tears rain the hearts of a grateful nation. "I hope that we have set a good record that you can live up to. It really was a worldwide war, because we were all over the world it seemed. I just ask you please be careful as you can and always support this great nation," Barnes concluded during an oral history interview Nov. 28, 2012, in hospice at his home in Jackson.

Click on the video to hear Mr. Barnes in his own words. For his family and friends, he shared the following final thoughts:


This surname is in the top 162,000 names in the US Census from 2010. (There must be at least 100 to make the list).

There are 218241 BARNES records listed in the 2010 US Census, and it is the Number 110 ranked name. A BARNES makes up 73.99 of every 100k people in the population.

Other US Census data for BARNES
64.81% are White Alone (Non-Hispanic)
29.28% are Black Alone (Non-Hispanic Black or African American Alone)
2.33% are Hispanic or Latino origin
0.48% are Asian Alone (Non-Hispanic Asian and Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander Alone)
0.75% are American Indian (Non-Hispanic American Indian and Alaska Native Alone)
2.35% Non-Hispanic Two or More Races


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